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A mosaic of  discontent

Above all, we must go beyond Punjabi romanticism that seems rooted in colonial modernity so that we can adequately reflect on the persistence of multiple and plural Punjabs in ways which far better reflect social reality and past histories. Coming to terms with the different, and parallel, Punjabs will be the first step to a serious understanding why cultural and regional identities among Punjabis have failed to generate a meaningful sense of political unity.
On bus from Karachi to Naudero.... Impressions of a Punjabi travelling for the first time in interior Sindh
By Ammar Ali Jan
"So you're from Pakistan?" asked a middle aged man from Larkana, the ancestral place of the most celebrated political family in the country's history. At first, I didn't understand what he meant as Larkana was as much a part of Pakistan as Lahore. Only later did I realise that he was taunting me due to the resentment many Sindhis feel against the injustices committed against them by the Centre (read Punjab).
My first experience in interior Sindh gave me an opportunity to see the ethnic and provincial divide in the country and to understand it from the perspective of those at the receiving end of the State's discriminatory policies.
When I took a bus to Larkana from Karachi, I didn't know how different the rest of the province would be from the provincial metropolis. Soon I realised it was under-developed, and worst of all, one could observe an acute water shortage. One witnessed vast tracts of barren land throughout the journey. I could finally see why the water problem lies at the heart of the discontent against Islamabad. One could also observe great reverence for Sufi shrines which reflected a more relaxed approach towards religion. There were many Hindu temples throughout the province and locals say that Muslims gave protection to these temples after the Babri Masjid carnage. Probably this is why we never hear about terrorism or sectarianism being an issue in interior Sindh.
Another distinctive feature was the use of the Sindhi language on almost all signboards.. Coming from Punjab, this came as nothing less than a shock as I have never seen signboards in Punjabi, nor have we ever made a serious attempt to preserve our language. This gave a clear indication that Sindhis take more pride in their culture and identity than we do. Or maybe, since the Centre is dominated by Punjab, they feel insecure about their language and heritage. In any case, they have done a remarkable job in keeping their culture intact.
The politics of interior Sindh is different from anything I have witnessed. In Lahore and Karachi, we hear the urban elite looking down upon Sindh as a 'feudal' society where one has to do as told by the feudal lord. Such stereotypes were shattered as I saw Sindhis to be politically very assertive and far more aware of their identity than many Punjabis. I also found the atmosphere much more open and tolerant for divergent views as compared to Karachi where the MQM doesn't take any criticism lightly. For example, I met Sobho Gayan Chandani, a veteran communist leader, in Larkana. A Hindu, he is very critical of the partition. He was even accused of an assassination attempt on Z.A. Bhutto. Yet, he has lived calmly in the Bhutto stronghold for many years and has earned the respect of all local activists who look up to 'Sobo ji.' At the age of 89, he is still a committed Marxist and has reservations against the partition, a view you seldom hear in Punjab.
Benazir remains the hegemonic figure in all of Sindh. All shops and offices have her posters pasted on their walls. Her mausoleum in Garhi Khuda Buksh is still thronged by locals. After a beautiful drive from Larkana to Garhi Khuda Buksh (which was made even more beautiful by the monsoon rains) one could not hold back tears after looking at the graves of all the four Bhuttos.
It is this appeal of the Bhuttos that has forced all local political parties to embrace Benazir as one of their own. The PPP claims that she was killed because she was its leader, the PPP-Shaheed Bhutto says she was killed for being a Bhutto while nationalists claim that that her biggest crime was being a Sindhi. Even some religious groups claim that she was assassinated for being a leader of the 'Islamic World.' Hence, politics in Sindh is almost impossible without praising the former prime minister of Pakistan.
However, the nature of PPP in Sindh is quite different from that of Punjab. Despite belonging to the same party, many PPP activists in Sindh feel that Punjabis, in general, are a cause of their sorrows. There were many statements in the press by Sindhi ministers belonging to the PPP which openly called Punjabis the exploiters of their land. Many observers say that the anti-Pakistan sentiment was so high after Bhutto's assassination that had the PPP command not given the slogan of Pakistan Khappay (We want Pakistan), things would have looked different today.
The nationalist sentiment has been gaining momentum for the past few years, especially under General Musharraf who supported the MQM and Sindhi politicians with no roots amongst the masses. This has increased the sense of deprivation amongst the Sindhis. However, the issue that has done the most damage has been the State oppression of any dissent. The hatred against the military in Sindh stems from the fact that Sindhis have always been treated more violently by the men in uniform. Sindhis still commemorate the massacre of many PPP activists in 1983 during the MRD movement.
During Musharraf's rule, after Balochistan, Sindh suffered the most at the hands of the establishment. Not only was Sindh ruled by the likes of Ishrat-ul-Ibad and Arbab Ghulam Rahim (who only had support in the GHQ), there was a brutal crackdown on any dissenting activity. Locals claim that hundreds of Sindhis are still missing and are believed to be held captive by the intelligence agencies. The case of Dr Serki still haunts Sindh who mysteriously went missing for many years before being released as his health started deteriorating.
Nationalists have a long list of such stories to tell. The view that Pakistan will now only be run by Punjabis in collaboration with Mohajirs is a notion that is gaining strength, especially amongst the educated middle class. A few people who were familiar with the ground realities in Balochistan claim that the Baloch have given up on the idea of Pakistan. This may not be true for Sindh as of now but one can sense that things are moving in that direction. The Pakistani establishment has either ignored the discontent or just been suspicious of it. Even the debacle in Dhaka and the military operation in Balochistan have not changed the mindset of the establishment.
Musharraf is no longer at the helm of affairs, but the threat of 'break up' that has haunted the subcontinent since 1947 is still  present and can only be reversed if the union is based on mutual respect rather than coercive measures. For this, we will have to reach out to our Sindhi friends and convince them on keeping the Pakistani dream alive. We must also educate Punjabis about the plight of the smaller provinces as many of us in Punjab fail to understand the context in which this hatred for the State rises.
As one Sindhi nationalist put it, "For 60 years, the establishment has been asking Sindhis to prove their loyalty towards the federation. Today we want to tell Punjabis to prove their loyalty and show their respect towards smaller provinces. It is up to Punjab to rise up to the occasion if they want to stay united with us."